There are many ways in which indirect evidence of the child's [page 127] cooperation in the precipitation and process of sexual crime can be obtained, in addition to the direct evidence consisting of the offender's own information and the official records. One means of obtaining this indirect evidence is to examine certain aspects of the crime, especially the following:
It has been proved that in pedophiliac crimes the victim and the offender have in the majority of cases been acquainted with each other even before the crime (Brant and Tisza, 1977). In most of the latest investigations about two-thirds or three-fifths had been previously acquainted (Davis, 1962; Turner, 1964; Gebhard et al., 1965; Swanson, 1968; Voigt, 1972; Virkkunen, 1975). In some earlier investigations the figures have been even higher (Karpman, 1954; Weiss et al., 1955; Revitch and Weiss, 1962). However, in some of these investigations the percentages have been increased due to incest cases being included as well.
In their group of "heterosexual offenders vs. children", Gebhard et al. (1965) found that three-fifths of the young girls were known to the offenders. They say:
"Contrary to general opinion and to parental fears, it seems that the immature female is more vulnerable to adult friends and acquaintances than to mythical strangers lurking in concealment".
However, in the group of "heterosexual aggressors vs. children", slightly more than two-thirds of the children were strangers to the offenders. This supports the claim that among " heterosexual offenders vs. children " the cooperation is greater than among "heterosexual aggressors vs. children".
In the "precipitated pedophiliac cases" of Virkkunen's (1975) study, the victim had known the offender prior to the offence in as many as 74.2% of the cases, but in the control group in only 42.6% of the cases. Overall the percentage was 57.8. Only the study of McGeorge (1964), which emphasizes that the majority of offenders were strangers, is inconsistent with the above findings.
It has been pointed out that in cases where the offender is a stranger [page 128] the crime is often homosexual or exhibitionist (Mohr et al., 1964; Swanson, 1968; MacDonald, 1973). MacDonald (1973) has found that only 9% of exposers are known to the victims. Among adult victims it is also rare that they know the exposer. Gittleson et al. (1978) who interviewed female nurses who had been victims of indecent exposure found prior acquaintance only in 15 % of such cases.
Rasch (1963) has described the pedophiliac situation to be often such that both the offender and the victim meet on a plane of mutual understanding. On the child's part it is unbounded sexual curiosity which seeks support and satisfaction from adults. The offender, again, does not have to adapt himself to the level of a child, since his own mentality is already infantile.
Repeated visits to the offender in spite of continuous criminal behaviour is of course proof of the cooperation of the victim. These children may receive gratification and pleasure as a consequence of the misuse, which they are unable to get otherwise (Brant and Tisza, 1977). Often, however, corruption of the victim by bribery is also connected with this (Virkkunen, 1975).
Swanson (1968) reported that in 60% of his cases the sexual crime was committed many times with the same victim. In Virkkunen's (1975) study the " precipitating " victim was the object of unchastity many times in 64.2% of the cases. In the control group the total was 23%. The difference was statistically highly significant. When Virkkunen (1976) studied pedophiliac offenders who had an antisocial personality, he found that in only 28.9% of the cases had the offences been repeated several times over a longer period of time. The situation was, however, similar in 60.5% of the cases where the offenders did not have an antisocial personality.